NOTE of CAUTION: This is an attempt to understand the politics and emotions behind the present chaos in Andhra Pradesh. I tried my level best to compile the moments of AP’s history that I think led to the current situation. I might have missed some important events that may have influenced the course of events. I recommend you verify the events that are mentioned and correct me wherever I am wrong. Most of the sources are textbooks and news articles, so I took their authenticity for granted as I found no reason to think otherwise. I start from the time which led to the creation of three prominent regions of Andhra Pradesh namely Telangana, Kosta Andhra and Rayalaseema.

  • In 1724, Asaf Jah, governor of Hyderabad, declared his independence from the disintegrating Mughal Empire, claiming the title of Nizam al Mulk of Hyderabad. Salabat Jung, who became Nizam with the help of French, granted the district of Guntur in return for their services. Later British conquered the fortress of masuilipatnam (now machilipatnam). So the French were forced to transfer the areas surrounding Chilaka Lake to British. When the British got a stronghold in India after the Battle of Buxar, the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam granted five circars on the coast to the British in 1765 but was kept as secret from the Nizam of Hyderabad. (These are known as northern circars because they were the northernmost districts in the Hyderabad Province of Mughal Empire.). As Nizam considers Hyderabad as an independent state, British had to offer services initially and annuity later to use these districts. The districts from Guntur (Prakasham was formed in 1970 with backward areas of Guntur, Kurnool and Nellore) to Vizagapatnam (Srikakulam in 1950 and Vijayanagaram in 1979 were formed later) were initially called Circar districts. Finally the outright claims of these districts were bought by the British in 1823. They occupied Nellore in 1792 from Nawab of Arcot.
  • In 1796, amidst fears that Napoleon might come for the rescue of Tipu Sultan, the then Nizam of Hyderabad opted to get British help by accepting the doctrine of Subsidiary Alliance. Under this agreement, he ceded Bellary district out of which Kadapa, Anantapuram and Kurnool where carved out. These districts are called Ceded districts. In 1911, Chittoor district was formed out of Nellore, Kadapa and North Arcot. The term “Rayalaseema” was coined by Gadicherla Hari Sarvottama Rao in 1928. Faction-ism was prevalent in this area since Vijayanagara Empire and was said to be the root cause of underdevelopment in this region.
  • Thus till early 18th century, Andhras were united under some king or the other. These leasing and ceding of areas by Nizam to British created two regions viz Circar and Ceded districts in British Indian Madras Presidency. The third region under nizam rule is called Telangana (Telugu speaking region). While the ceded districts got themselves a name called Rayalaseema, the circar districts without any special name remained as Kosta Andhra (telugufied version of Coastal Andhra) or simply Andhra.(This explains the film distributors lingo of Nizam, Ceded and Andhra for Telangana, Rayalaseema and Kosta respectively.) While North Kosta is influenced by Oriya; Rayalaseema by Kannada & Tamil and Telangana by Urdu & Marathi, Guntur and Krishna districts remained relatively untouched by neighbouring languages. This isolation helped Guntur and Krishna district people to have relatively refined Telugu. Combination of these two phenomenon is often misinterpreted as Guntur and Krishna people being the actual Andhras with pure Telugu. However, it was the lack of second name for this area coinciding with the lack of exposure to other languages that led to this conclusion by many people. In any case, Telugu or Tenugu is the Dravidian name for the Aryan and Dravidian tribes which lived together mainly near the banks of Godavari, Krishna and their tributaries. As the language was basically of Dravidian origin, they called themselves Telugus. But Sanskrit name for these tribes is Andhras. That is why many epics use the term ‘Andhras’ to describe these tribes. Later when Telugu language started adopting Sanskrit words into its vocabulary, Andhra term was popularized in native Telugu speakers too. My point is, it is juvenile enough to argue that Andhras and Telugus are different and its highly preposterous to use this as an argument to demand for a separate Telangana state. So for all practical purposes, the term Andhra refers to all those whose mother tongue is Telugu.


A more detailed history till formation of Andhra Pradesh can be found here.

Hyderabad State

  1. In early 20th century, the then Nizam had a lot of trouble in administrating the state because of bad policies of previous nizams and famines. For infrastructure development and experienced administrators, the Nizam asked the British to provide help by sending officers to manage the railways, electricity, water works etc in Hyderabad state. This influx of people, who were mostly from Madras Presidency, created an insecurity among the locals. So they demanded the local reservation for the jobs in Hyderabad. Hence, the nizam created the mulki rules in 1915. These rules state that only people who were born in Hyderabad State or who lived in the state for at least 15 years and signed an affidavit that they wont leave the state were eligible for government jobs.
  2. The princely state of Hyderabad (Nizam) comprised of three linguistic regions: Telugu-speaking Telangana, Kannada-speaking Karnataka, and the Marathi-speaking Marathwada. Though Telangana accounted for more than half the land and half the people of Hyderabad, Telugu language and Telugu speaking people were getting second class treatment. A seemingly trivial incident at the Nizam State Social Conference held in Hyderabad in November 1921 sparked the beginning of Andhra Movement in Telangana. The proceedings of the conference were in Urdu, Marathi, and English. A.V. Rama Rao, a lawyer, rose to speak in Telugu on a resolution, and the audience, mainly composed of Marathis unwilling to hear Telugu, shouted him down. That such a thing could happen in the premier city of Telangana upset the Telugus in the audience. On the night of November 12, 1921, an Andhra Jana Sangham was formed with eleven members, and on April 4, 1922, a constitution was adapted. This later became Nizam Andhra Maha Sabha in 1930.
  3. In 1946, the farmers in Hyderabad state revolted against the Nizam with the help of communists in the famous rebellion of modern India: the Telangana Rebellion. This was a result of illegal and excessive exploitation of farmers by the feudal land lords. Moreover, the Nizam with the help of Razakkars tried to oppress everyone who was not a Muslim. The Communist Party of India led the revolution under the banner of ‘Andhra Mahasabha’, an independent movement to save andhra culture in Nizam rule and not to be confused with ‘Andhra Mahasabha’ in Madras Presidency.
  4. Hyderabad was integrated into Union of India in September 1948. [link]
  5. In 1952 elections, Burugula Ramakrishna Rao was elected as Chief Minister of Hyderabad state.

    6. Andhra State

  6. Linguistic discrimination is an instinctive and involuntary discrimination any one in the world faces or shows. In the absence of a common language, given two equally qualified candidates, it is common sense to choose a person who speaks your language. Even if the person who doesn’t speak your language is slightly more qualified than the one who speaks your language, you tend to pick the second person because its easier to train that person to fill the skill difference between them than to teach the first one your language. This essentially was the basis of the ‘One Nation, One Language’ formula of most of the countries and formation of states on linguistic basis in India.
  7. During British rule, in Madras presidency, there was significant influence of tamil speaking people in the administration. This created insecurity among the people of Andhra region. So in May 1913, the first Andhra Mahasabha (Great Council of Andhra) discussed about ‘pratyekaandhra’ (special andhra) in Bapatla. As many leaders from north Andhra (tribal areas) and Rayalaseema expressed their concerns, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya took the job of convincing the people of those regions about the benefits of pratyekaandhra. In 1914 at Vijayawada, a resolution was passed favouring ‘pratyekaandhra’. In 1918, Congress established the Andhra division after four years of discussions. The reorganization of Indian states on linguistic basis was first popularised in congress during this period by Andhra leaders.
  8. The establishment of Andhra University in Visakhapatnam in 1926, revived the apprehensions of Rayalaseema leaders about the fate of ‘pratyekandhra’. To allay these fears, leaders from Kosta Andhra and rayalaseema signed the historic Sri Baug Pact of 1937 in Madras. It guaranteed a regional center of AU in anantapur, higher priority for irrigation projects in rayalaseema and the liberty for rayalaseema people to choose either the Capital or the High Court among other things. Thus by 1939, Association for Andhra State Formation was started. Despite several attempts from both Andhras and Kannadigas, formation of Andhra and Mysore (They changed the name to Karnataka in 1973) states was not favoured as British were not sure how to handle the reorganization while they were at war in Europe.
  9. After independence in 1947, the expectations began to rise about the formation of Andhra State. Nehru on repeated requests from Andhra leaders constituted a linguistic states commission under S. K. Dar. The commission didn’t recommend the formation of linguistic states citing vast differences in development in many such linguistic states. To appease the Andhra leaders who were worried about this development, Jawaharlal Nehu, Vallabhai Patel and Pattabhi Sitaramayya formed an unofficial JVP committee in 1949. This committee suggested that though the formation of linguistic states should be postponed, Andhra State could be formed on the condition that they give up their claims on Madras. This was a major blow to all the Andhra people who had considerable effort of theirs in the city’s development. They were not ready forego their claim. The Central Government amidst this confusion and stalemate over the status of Madras took the opportunity to shelve this issue for time-being.
  10. In 1952, Congress lost most of the seats in Andhra region to Communists and other parties because of the dissatisfaction of people. Hence it couldn’t get the majority in the Madras Legislative Assembly elections. Though the non-congress parties formed United Democratic Front with T. Prakasham as their leader, the then Governor invited Rajaji, a non-member, to form the government in order to keep Communists out of power. Rajaji won the confidence vote with the defections in U.D.F and was later nominated to Legislative Council to continue as Chief Minister of Madras State. Rajaji Government’s plan of construction of a dam on river Krishna to divert the water towards Madras became controversial. Andhra leaders felt that this would hamper the agriculture of Andhra regions and started agitations. So the central government formed a committee to verify the claims and it suggested that the dam should be constructed near Nandikonda (the present Nagarjuna Sagar Dam Location, which was in Hyderabad State [link] ) instead of Government proposed site for better irrigation facilities of all regions (including the then Hyderabad state).
  11. Such incidents strengthened Andhras’ view about Tamilians’ discrimination. As Communists would come to power in Andhra state if formed, Congress delayed their decision. So Potti Sriramulu started the fast unto death, which in retrospect was an undemocratic way. After fifty eight days of fasting, he died on early hours of 16th december 1952[link]. Frenzy started as soon as this news spread all over Andhra. On December 19th 1952, Prime Minister of India announced the formation separate state for Telugu speaking people of Madras State. On a side note, only one other person, Jatin Das, before Sriramulu, in modern Indian history actually fasted to death. In most cases they either gave up, were hospitalised or arrested and force fed[link].
  12. Thus on October 1st 1953, eleven districts of Madras State voted to become a new state of Andhra with Kurnool as its capital and High court in Guntur according to Sri Baug Pact of 1937.

    13. Andhra Pradesh

  13. As center gave nod for a separate state on linguistic basis, pressure mounted on Nehru for reorganisation of states. So in December 1953, State Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was formed with Hon. Fazal Ali, K.M. Panikker, and H.N. Kunzru. The report was submitted on September 30, 1955.
  14. The report suggested reorganisation of states on linguistic basis. While it recommended that Kannada and Mmarathi speaking parts of Hyderabad State join Mysore and Maharashtra respectively, it suggested that Telugu speaking part of Hyderabad State, Telangana, remain as a separate state for five years. It added that after 1962 assembly elections, Telangana state can choose to merge with Andhra State. SRC report about Andhra Pradesh can be found here.
  15. The Chief Ministers of Hyderabad and Andhra opposed the SRC recommendations and urged immediate formation of Visalandhra. Both the opponents and supporters of Visalandhra continued their campaigns. Because of the opposition of a large number of the Telangana congress leaders, the Hyderabad Assembly adjourned without taking a vote on the SRC recommendations, though 103 of the 174 members spoke in favor of Visalandhra. The central government postponed its decision.
  16. The MLAs in Hyderabad State while interested in merging the two states to realize the dream of Visaalaandhra (Broad Andhra), were concerned about development of Telangana region. Hence the central government ordered the leaders to settle those issues among themselves.
  17. Thus Burugula Ramakrishna Rao, K.V. Ranga Reddy (after whom rangareddy district was named), Marri Chenna Reddy and J. V. Narasinga Rao on behalf of Telangana and Bejawada Gopal Reddy, Neelam Sanjeev Reddy, Gauthu Lacchanna and Alluri Satyanarayana Raju on behalf of Andhra State made a Gentlemen’s Agreement on July 19th, 1956.
  18. According to this agreement:
    a) Revenue collected from Telangana region should be used for development of Telangana only for at least five years.
    b) Educational Institutions should be developed in Telangana. Special reservations for local students.
    c) Civils Service and Government Jobs should be filled according population distribution.
    d) Usage of Urdu should be continued for five years in Courts and Administrative Affairs.
    e) Sharing of CM and Dy CM posts. (If one is from Andhra State, the other one should be from Telangana).
    f) A Telangana Development Board with Telangana MLAs should be constituted for the development of Telangana.
    g) Ban on liquor in Telangana should be implemented according to Telangana MLAs’ wishes.
    h) A person needs to stay in Telangana for at least twelve years to get a job in that area. (Mulki rule)
    i) 40% of ministers should be from Telangana.
  19. Satisfied with the assurances to Telangana people, the MLAs from Telugu speaking part of Hyderabad State voted in the assembly: 103 members voted for Visaalaandhra, 29 against and 15 abstained from voting.
  20. Consequently, the state of Andhra Pradesh is formed on 1st November 1956 along with various other states recommended by SRC.

    21. Jai Telangana Movement

  21. Though an agreement was made, the then CM Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy didn’t give any deputy CM post to a telangana MLA immediately. In 1959, when D. Sanjeevaih became CM, K.V Ranga Reddy was made deputy CM. But from 1962 to 1969, there was no Deputy CM position which was again allocated to a Telangana MLA in 1969.
  22. After formation of Andhra Pradesh, many farmers from Kosta settled in Telangana as the lands were cheaper in Telangana. Those farmers apparently have prospered in farming. This created resentment in the local farmers who were working as labourers in the land they sold to Kosta farmers.
  23. In 1967, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy became a strong leader in state politics. The second in command Marri Chenna Reddy became a Union Minister.
  24. Telangana Hakkula Parirakshana Samiti (Association for protection of Telangana Rights) was formed on January 1969 demanding the proper implementation of Gentelmen’s Agreement. There were some other factions which demanded a separate telangana state.
  25. With significant opposition pressure in the all-party meeting, the government decided on January 22nd 1969
    a) to send all kosta and rayalaseema employees in Telangana back to give those jobs to locals (mulki rules) and
    b) to implement the gentlemen’s agreement properly.
  26. This GO assured the Telangana hakkula Parirakshana Samiti and they ended their protests but the separate state demand still continued.
  27. After the announcement several violent incidents happened threatening the Kosta and Rayalaseema people in Telangana region. A number of court cases against this GO were filed in High Court by employees. The High Court while upholding the parts of GO, condemned the sacking of Kosta and Rayalaseema employees. It ordered government to create additional Jobs for such people. The Supreme Court which accepted the cases challenging the high court’s decision stated that the GO was unconstitutional and cancelled it.link
  28. This Supreme Court Judgement on March 29, 1969 started the violent phase in Telangana Movement. When Marri Chenna Reddy, whose election was nullified by supreme court for election fraud in 1967 elections [link], joined the movement and politicized it by starting Telangana Praja Samithi on May 1st 1969. There were several incidents involving violence till September 1969.
  29. When some of the leaders hinted that “change of leadership” could reduce the agitations and made statements accordingly, many students felt betrayed. Despite political leaders calls to not ruin studies, many student groups continued the movement with satyagrahas. In November 1969, Chenna Reddy declared that the movement will be postponed and restarted on 1st January 1970 as students and farmers have their respective works to attend. An academic year was wasted for many students in the Telangana Region.
  30. Though the movement subsided, the Telangana Praja Samiti continued as a political force till 1971 general elections in which it won 10 Loksabha seats. But it didn’t have any effect at the centre as the Indian National Congress has a overwhelming majority with 352 seats. Later that September, TPS merged with congress and P. V. Narasimha Rao became the CM.

    31. Jai Andhra Movement

  31. In a surprise turn of events, in October 1972, the Supreme Court validated the implementation of Mulki Rules.link While the invalidation of GO based on Mulki Rules in 69 was on the basis of fundamental rights, this validation of Mulki Rules was done as a part of respecting the laws of the land created before independence. This left Kosta and Rayalaseema people feel like second class citizens in their own state capital.
  32. Widespread agitations were started in Kosta and Rayalaseema regions. The then speaker of Assembly B. V. Subba Reddy resigned and joined in the movement. People, many of whom are for united AP, who tried to pacify these agitators were brutally attacked.
  33. Communists publicly criticized this movement while many newspapers condemned these separatist movement and instead called for the cause of united AP. The situation went out of hands of the then P. V. Narasimha Rao government and hence President’s rule was imposed in the state in January 1973.
  34. After several months of discussions, Congress came up with the six-point formula in September 1973 and required Presidential Order was passed. ( A 300 page detailed explanation of it can be found here)
    i) State level Planning boards should be established for the development of backward areas
    ii) Adequate preferences should be given to local students and a new Central University should be established in Hyderabad.
    iii) Local candidates should be preferred for non-gazetted posts and civil service posts
    iv) A high power administrative tribunal to be formed to address grievances of appointments.
    v) In order to implement above measures, constitution of India must be amended suitably.
    vi) The above approach would render Mulki rules and regional committees unnecessary.
  35. The necessary constitutional amendments were done in December 1973. The state was then divided into seven zones and the local candidate was defined as the person who studied for four consecutive years in that zone before taking SSC examination (10th class exam). If a person doesn’t satisfy local candidate requirement in any zone, then he/she is considered non-local throughout AP, despite studying in AP the whole time. Local candidates get around 80% of the seats in local colleges. The Hyderabad Central University formed because of this six-point formula is free from all this reservation chaos.
  36. After that till the rise of TDP, all the CMs of the state are from Telangana region and were frequently changed by the ‘high command’.

    37. Rise of TDP

  37. The rise of NTR marked a significant change in the political structure of Andhra Pradesh. People who are fed up with ‘high command’ politics voted overwhelmingly in favour of Telugu Desam Party. It won 203 seats out of 294 in State Assembly in 1982. It also became the largest opposition party in 1984 general elections by an unusual coincidence of Rajiv Gandhi led Congress winning 414 Parliament seats and NTR TDP winning 30 seats.
  38. In December 1985, GO 610 was passed which has the implementation details of the six-point formula.

    39. Reignition of Separate state demand

  39. By the end of the millennium, BJP became a considerable force at the center. They reignited the separate state demand all over the country. BJP allied with TDP in 1999 general elections and won. While they were successful in forming three new states of Jharkhand, Uttaranchal (now Uttarkhand) and Chattisgarh in 2000, TDP didn’t let them pass the bill to bifurcate Andhra Pradesh.
  40. This led KCR who was a minister in previous term of TDP government and a deputy speaker after 99 elections resigned to start the Telangana Rastra Samithi.

    41. My Analysis

  41. The whole problem lies in the Constitution of India. All rules which concern reservations for a particular set of people can be constitutional and unconstitutional at the same time. The two supreme court judgements that happened in 69 and 72 created the chaos in the state. While a comprimise solution was reached by all leaders of the state, the true integration of Andhra Pradesh never occured. Our parents were anyway divided along regional lines because of those movements. For our generation, it is easier to study in other state in the country than in other “zone” of AP. Though private jobs help in a way in integrating different parts of AP, most colleges in AP lack that mixed crowd from all over the state. It was clear that politicians used both the movements for their own personal gain as lack of live media helped them to play whatever games they liked killing many might-have-been innocents. While the presence of sensationalist media now helped to show the clear picture of the politicians, it created unnecessary fears among government officials even for the silliest of happennings.
  42. The present situation has two unique features. It is a common understanding that if you refer to a state or a country, you immediately visualise the entire territory centered around the Capital of that territtory. And when you come across secessionist or separatist movements, you naturally expect that region to be more or less like an abadonned territory when compared to the seat of power i.e capital.
  43. But in no other place, you would find a region around a capital city that starts a separatist movement. The immediate question any person asks is “from what do they want to separate?”. It is like England not wanting to be part of United Kingdom. It is like Punjab, Haryana, UP and Rajasthan collectively starting a separatist movement from India. It was like west maharastra, north tamil nadu, south bengal and south karnataka each demanding separate states of their own. To be brief, it was the most extraordinary argument anyone can ever produce. The reason? underdevelopment of areas within 300kms of Capital City. While the reason is very peculiar and unorthodox, it can’t be completely ignored.
  44. On the other hand, there is this movement where a set of people in the state want to stay together with the set who wants to get away for the reasons mentioned above. The set of people who want to stay together will even go the extent of strangling their own throats for two weeks by bandhs etc. Nowhere, anyone has seen such a unanimous support for a cause cutting across political party lines. There must be a very strong reason for two such unique movements to happen.
  45. The reason is simple: Hyderabad. While a political party played the T card to regain the lost ground, it accidentally succeeded because of inexperienced and weak government who couldn’t even understand the dirty politics local parties played [link]. This absurd and apparently bold decision without clarifying the issue of Hyderabad, which was mostly developed by all people of Andhra Pradesh, initiated a brotherhood protests in remaining parts of the state. Nobody can call a movement fake or fabricated without calling the other one the same. Who are we kidding? the fight is for Hyderabad.
  46. The moment center declares that Greater Hyderabad will not cater to both the states after division and will be made a Union Territory or some Special Administrative Territory, citing adamant behaviour of all leaders, it is most definite that nobody cares to continue Jai Telangana or Jai Samaikyaandhra movements.
  47. I personally don’t care if the state is united or divided. It is not an issue at all. But the reasons provided for the cause of separate state should be logical but not emotional. So should the reasons for the united Andhra Pradesh.
  48. The recent provocative statements by KCR regarding the so-called Andhra Imperialism are totally uncalled for. I can’t sit idly and let these ignorant experts throwing all kinds of archaic statistics with the help of vandalism get away with a separate state. It is a matter of principle. As a citizen of India, such precedents should not be allowed by anyone as they trigger dangerous consequences in the future. If they want a separate state, they should convince people. Especially if the capital city is in that region, they should have such a strong reason that most people agree that this area deserves to be a separate country altogether. Moreover, attacking every person that openly claims for United AP in Telangana region and saying there is no united AP movement in Telangana is not only a dastardly act but also shows the lack of confidence they have in their demand for separate state.
  49. The united Andhra Pradesh movement is obviously to protect their families living in Telangana region which were threatned by TRS goons. Instead of acting at the last minute of the crisis, those people should have voiced their concerns well before to address the grievances of the Telangana people.
  50. The ground reality is that Kosta and Rayalaseema people will not let Telangana people have total control of the city which was developed by everyone. They have already lost Madras after centuries of developing it along with Tamilians and they are not going to give up claims of Hyderabad that easily. Jai Andhra movement gave the chance to split the state. It was not done then and I think it is too late now. When the six-point formula was made, nobody had a problem. The 610 GO which was issued in 1985 deals with all the government jobs in every department. So after nearly fifty years of relationship with Hyderabad, they are not ready to build another capital from scratch while Telangana people take all the cake.
  51. The thing I observed in all these pro-telangana reasons is their choice to study only history of Telangana. If a certain district faces drought or some set of people didnt get jobs in government department or some river water problems, they think of nothing but Jai Telangana. River water management in India was always a contentious issue, two states will always have disputes in water sharing. Even the water sharing problems between Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh is being politicized and being projected as Andhra imperialism.link
  52. There are arguments saying when U.S.A has 50 states why cant India have more than 29? The answer is quite simple: While India is a Union of States, U.S.A is a Federation of States. Whats the difference? Well, in U.S.A all the states came together to form a country and gave certain powers to the country to run it. Whereas in India, all the states were taken into the country calling it the Union of India and the Union gave the states certain powers in return to be part of the Union. In U.S.A, each state has its own laws. In India, the Union makes all the laws. The most important one: in U.S.A the President is the one who wins most number of states whereas in India the government is the one which wins most constituencies. So the more the constituencies a state has, the more influence it can have at the center. Ever thought about why Center government cares/worries so much about U.P or Bihar (before division)? The size of the state should always be a trade off between the infleunce it can have on the Union Government and the ease of administration.
  53. Also there can be several hindi speking states because there constitute 48% of this nation’s population. The next most spoken languages like Telugu, Bengali and Tamil are less than 8% each.
  54. So instead of supporting pointless arguments of ignorant politicians of our state, find genuine logical reasons for the formation of seprate Telangana state. I suggest everyone take your time and read the Human Development Report of the state of Andhra Pradesh published in 2007. Especially chapter 2 (5th link) which has the statistics of each district. As far as I noticed, it didnt mention any underdevelopment of Telangana districts when compared to rest of A.P.
  55. I must point out that, it was unprecedented that Government of India change its stand. It is blashphemy to even think about GoI going back on its statement. For good or bad, they announced the initiation of process of formation of Telangana. The process contains recommendations to the parliamentarians by a committe which consists of polticians, intellectuals, NGOs etc after which they decide. I reckon there is still sense in the Parliament to not vote for bifurcation without the consensus of the state. I have seen inane arguments that consensus in the state is not required according to Constitution etc. In that case, according to Constitution the President can appoint anyone as Prime Minister without him/her being a Parliament member or with a majority support or both. However, those things wont happen as they are undemocratic and such actions can be cancelled by Judiciary. Parliament definitely dont want its bill to be challenged in Supreme Court and create further agitations in the state. Does it? Hence a final settlement which is acceptable to all regions is required and Parliament will vote accordingly.